1 A.Westenholz,“The Old Akkadian Period:History and Culture,”in W.Sallaberger and A.Westenholz,Mesopotamien:Akkade-Zeit und Ur III Zeit,Fribourg:Editions Universitaires,1999,pp.29,33-34;more in notes 53,57,82-86.
2 参见.W.Sjberg,E.Bergmann and G.B.Gragg,The Collection of the Sumerian Temple Hymns,Locust Valley:J.J.Augustin,1969,pp.55-58.关于古代近东的基本方位概念,见N.Wyatt,Space and Time in the Religious Life of the Near East,Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press,2001,pp.35-36.关于“苏美尔神庙颂”的断代问题,可参见J.A.Black,“En-hedu-ana Not the Composer of the Temple Hymns,”N.A.B.U.Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires,No.1,2001,p.29.
3 D.R.Frayne,Ur III Period(2112-2004 BC),Toronto:University of Toronto Press,1997,pp.144-145.其苏美尔语版写作dul-gi ni-in-ta ka-la-ak-ka lú-galú-ri-ma lú-gal-ki-ì-ki-ú-ri du-muúr-na-am->-mi,对应阿卡德语版dul-gi zi-ka-ru-um da-a[n]-nu-umarú-ri-imar ma-atu-mé-ri-imùa-ka-di-im ma-ru ur-na-am-ma。注意苏美尔版lú-gal-ki-ì-ki-ú-ri的乃是重构,原抄本并没有这个字。
1 关于“石钵铭文”(E.1.14.20.1),见D.R.Frayne,Presargonic Period(2700-2350 BC),Toronto:University of Toronto Press,2008,pp.433-437;T.Maeda,“Royal Inscriptions of Lugalzagesi and Sargon,”Orient:Reports of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan,Vol.40,2005,pp.3-30.
2 “石钵铭文”相关部分此处暂做意译,不做具体语法分析。
3 J.S.Cooper,Presargonic Inscriptions,New Haven:American Oriental Society,1986,p.94;C.Wilcke,“Orthographie,Grammatik und Literarische Form:Beobactungen zu der Vaseninschrift Lugalzaggesis(SAKI 152-156),”in I.T.Abusch,J.Huehnergard and P.Steinkeller,Lingering over Words,Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Literature in Honor of William L.Moran,Atlanta:Scholars Press,1990,p.503;Frayne,Presargonic Period,p.436.
4 J.N.Postgate,Early Mesopotamia:Society and Economy at the Dawn of History,London:Routledge,1994,p.35;J.N.Postgate,“In Search of the First Empires,”Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research,Vol.293,1994,p.4.
5 相关研究如雅各布森“苏美尔联盟论”等,事关阿卡德王朝之前巴比伦尼亚的基本格局,进一步讨论见后文。此处可参见T.Jacobsen,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia,”Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archologie,Vol.52,1957,pp.91-140.该文又收入T.Jacobsen,Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture,Cambridge:Harvard University Press,1970。
6 X.Wang,The Metamorphosis of Enlil in Early Mesopotamia,Münster:Ugarit-Verlag,2011,pp.212-215,231-235 .当时仅大略观之,仅注意到“苏美尔”地区概念在早王朝时期并不固定的事实,其余未做追究。
7 如C.Wilcke,“Zum Knigtum in der Ur III-Zeit,”in P.Garelli,Le palais et la royauté:Archéologie et Civilisation,Paris:Paul Geuthner,1974,pp.177-232;Frayne,Presargonic Period,pp.10-12;J.S.Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerian,”Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie,No.12,2012,pp.291-297.尽管出发点不同,卡茹(Franois Carroué)也曾整理过此地名在早期文献中的写法,参见F.Carroué,“Etudes de Géographie et de Topographie Sumériennes III.LIturungal et de Sud Sumérien,”Acta Sumerologica,Vol.15,1993,pp.35-39.
8 为方便查考,文献编号依Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch”文中例,不同者或缺者会给出说明。由于地名“苏美尔”是我们的研究对象,在引用相关文献时此地名使用大写转写依次写出泥板所见符号,如EN.GI.KI,一者以示结论待议,二者给出可能的各字书写次序上的不同。
9 就苏美尔语作品的分类而言,已故亚述学家布莱克(Jeremy A.Black)有精到的讨论,此处不赘言。参见J.A.Black,Reading Sumerian Poetry,London:Athlone,1998,pp.5-6;J.Black,G.Cunningham,E.Robson and G.Zólyomi,The Literature of Ancient Sumer,Oxford:Oxford University Press,2004,p.xx.
1 R.K.Englund,“Texts from the Late Uruk Period,”in J.Bauer,R.K.Englund and M.Krebernik,Mesopotamien:Spturuk-Zeit und Frühdynastische Zeit,Fribourg:Editions Universitaires,1998,p.69.
2 S.F.Monaco,The Cornell University Archaic Tablets,Bethesda:CDL Press,2007,pp.6-7,11.关于早王朝时期的乌玛,见A.Haider Oraibi,“Gia(Umm al-Aqarib),Umma(Jokha),and Lagain the Early Dynatic III Period,”alRāfidān:Journal of Western Asiatic Studies,Vol.35,2014,pp.1-37.
3 Monaco,The Cornell University Archaic Tablets,pp.30,133.
4 见Carroué,“Etudes de Géographie et de Topographie Sumériennes III.LIturungal et de Sud Sumérien,”pp.37-38.注意Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch”第195页认为此处“is probably not a toponym”。
5 见E.R.Burrows,Archaic Texts,London&Philadephia:The British Museum&The University Museum,1935,PL.XLIII。泥板只余碎片,行i.6余下部分可读做┌GI?┐ENaKI。
6 概况见M.Krebernik,“Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabikh,”in Bauer,Englund and Krebernik,Mesopotamien,pp.237-427。
7 Jacobsen,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia,”pp.120-122.
8 分别见F.Pomponio,G.Visicato and A.Alberti,Early Dynastic Administrative Tablets ofuruppak,Napoli:Istituto Universitario Orientale,1994;H.Steible and F.Yildiz,“Kienki aus Sicht vonuruppak:eine frühdynastische Regio nach Fara-zeitlichen Urkunden,”Istanbuler Mitteilungen,Vol.43,1993,pp.17-26;H.Steible,“The Geographical Horizon of the Texts from Fara/Shuruppag,”in W.Sallaberger and I.Schrakamp,Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean:History&Philology,Turnhout:Brepols,2015,pp.157-161.
9 据Oraibi,“Gia(Umm al-Aqarib),Umma(Jokha),and Lagain the Early Dynatic III Period”,此处当作基沙(Gia),是早王朝时期乌玛侯国的都城所在。在不影响本文内容的情况下,这里依习惯处理。
1 英译参见尚未正式发表的P.Steinkeller,“A Military Campaign of Southern City-States against Kish as Documented in ED IIIa Sources from Shuruppag(Fara),”paper presented at the The Annual Meeting of the American Oriental Society,Phoenix,2014.笔者有幸在2014年5月参加施坦克勒教授以此为题组织的一次研讨并获赐电子稿本。本文引用若有误会之处,皆笔者之过。同文献的其他译本见Jacobsen,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia,”p.122,n.70;Steible and Yildiz,“Kienki aus Sicht vonuruppak:eine frühdynastische Regio nach Fara-zeitlichen Urkunden,”pp.24-25.
2 Jacobsen,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia,”pp.121-122.
3 Krebernik,“Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabikh,”in Bauer,Englund and Krebernik,Mesopotamien,p.242.WF 142全文:i.12 si-NU×U22 TIR×U'×TIR3énsi-GAR4en-gi-ki UD-NA51 si-NU×Uii.1gal-dilmun2ubur3u-i4sanga-GAR51 3 si-NU×U6dumu gal-dilmuniii.1GAR-HU-DU'R-BU2kínda;TS627相关部分:v.42 1 mánag di5utu-ita6má-lah751 énsi-GAR8ki-en-gi9UD-NA。关于法腊文献中的énsi-GAR,可参见Pomponio,Visicato and Alberti,Early Dynastic Administrative Tablets ofuruppak,pp.18-19.
4 Pomponio,Visicato and Alberti,Early Dynastic Administrative Tablets ofuruppak,p.11;W.Sallaberger,“Nippur als religises Zentrum Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel,”in G.Wilhelm,Die orientalische Stadt:Kontinuitt,Wandel,Bruch:1.Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft,9.-10.Mai 1996 in Halle/Saale,Saarbrücken:Saarbrücker Drückerei und Verlag,1997,pp.151-152.泥板TS758文字英译参见Steinkeller,“A Military Campaign of Southern City-States against Kish as Documented in ED IIIa Sources from Shuruppag(Fara)”.注意此处计量单位1é=59.4 m;1 GAR.DU=5.94 m。此件即No.114 in Pomponio,Visicato and Alberti,Early Dynastic Administrative Tablets ofuruppak.其具体上下文尚待考。
5 R.D.Biggs and J.N.Postgate,“Inscriptions from Abu Salabikh,1975,”Iraq,Vol.40,1978,pp.105-106.注意此授田文献从格式上颇类卢噶尔扎格西第七年的授田文书(如A 07554),详见笔者待刊稿《数字标记计时法与卢噶尔扎格西》。另见M.A.Powell,“Texts from the Time of Lugalzagesi:Problems and Perspectives in Their Interpretation,”Hebrew Union College Annual,Vol.49,1978,pp.1-58;M.Krebernik and J.N.Postgate,“The Tablets from Abu Salabikh and Their Provenance,”Iraq,Vol.71,2009,pp.6-7.
6 D.O.Edzard,“Fara und Abu Salabikh:Die Wirtschaftstexte,”Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archologie,Vol.66,1977,p.86;J.Bauer,“Der vorsargonische Abshnitt der mesopotamischen Geschichte,”in Bauer,Englund and Krebernik,Mesopotamien,pp.512,550;I.Schrakamp,“Geographical Horizons in Presargonic and Sargonic Archives,”in Sallaberger and Schrakamp,Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean,p.208.
7 P.Steinkeller,“Review of J.Marzahn,Altsumerische Verwaltungstexte aus Girsu/Laga,”Journal of the American Oriental Society,Vol.115,No.3,1995,p.542;J.Marzahn,Altsumerische Verwaltungstexte aus Girsu/Laga,Berlin:Akademie Verlag,1991;T.Kobayashi,“On Ninazu,as Seen in the Economic Texts of the Early Dynastic Laga(1),”Orient:Reports of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan,Vol.28,1992,pp.75-105。恩尼基(Enegi)是医神宁阿祖传统的崇拜中心,参见F.A.M.Wiggermann,“Nin-azu,”Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie,No.9,2000,pp.329-335。
1 以上参见Frayne,Presargonic Period,p.139,429-432,373.
2 另见Maeda,“Royal Inscriptions of Lugalzagesi and Sargon,”pp.8-9.
3 此处行号据R.D.Biggs,Inscriptions from Tell Abu Salabikh,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1974。
4 原文转写为:EN.GI.KI ki sikil Mes-sanga-uruk zà-mìdumudLAK369-nun kisal uru16an-da múdMen zà-mìEn-giki zálag kùlammadNin-súmun zà-mì。中译文参见王乐洋:《苏美尔早期文学——“阿布·萨拉比赫神庙赞美诗集”研究》,博士学位论文,北京大学历史学系,2012年。
5 原文转写为:EN.GI.KIáb ane x gu dili-bad am gu4núgu dili-bad am gú-gi4é-gíde nun ka-kée IM x ur geggeé-dam núdNin-a-zu5ábilig-iligdNin-a-zu5zà-mì。魏格曼的译文为:“Enegi,where the Mighty Cow opening her parts brings wild ox and bull(the souls)to rest,where the one opening her parts holds the Untamahle Wild Ox on a leash;plaster work(Enegi),where the black dog lies down at the tavern,where N.makes the cows(souls)cease work.”见Wiggermann,“Ninazu,”p.333.牛类形象此处当暗喻死魂灵。另可见王乐洋《苏美尔早期文学——“阿布·萨拉比赫神庙赞美诗集”研究》对第128-139行的注解,其中未引魏格曼的理解。
6 NTS168第ii'.2'行写作[x]en-ki-gi kù,另外卡茹引同泥板行vi'.6'EN.GI4.KI并注意到它和神名dNE'.GAL的关联,见Carroué,“Etudes de Géographie et de Topographie Sumériennes III.L'Iturungal et de Sud Sumérien,”p.37;Wiggermann,“Nin-azu,”p.333.
7 P.Delnero,“Variation in Sumerian Literary Compositions:A Case Study Based on the Decad,”PhD dissertation,University of Pennsylvania,2006,p.2193.另见t.4.80.2(The KeTemple Hymn),J.A.Black,G.Cunningham,J.Ebeling,E.Flückiger-Hawker,E.Robson,J.Taylor and G.Zólyomi,The Electronic Textual Corpus of Sumerian Literature,cited 12 Aug,2011,http:∥etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk.
1 早王朝版可见R.D.Biggs,“An Archaic Sumerian Version of the Kesh Temple Hymn from Tell Abu Salabikh,”Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archologie,Vol.61,1971,pp.193-207.
2 Frayne,Presargonic Period,p.39.另见W.Sallaberger and I.Schrakamp,“Philological Data for a Historical Chronology of Mesopotamia in the 3rd Millennium,”in Sallaberger and Schrakamp,Associated Regional Chronologies for the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean,pp.1-136.其中第65页引用臧迪(Kamran Zand)博士尚未发表的研究。
3 “[The kin]g of Kifrom Ki,the king of Adab from Adab,the en ofuruppak[from]uruppak,the en of EN×GI.KI from EN×GI.KI,(to)(the god)Enki…”,见G.Marchesi and N.Marchetti,Royal Statuary of Early Dynastic Mesopotamia,Winona Lake:Eisenbrauns,2011,p.106.关于UD.GAL.NUN书写系统,见J.Krecher,“UD.GAL.NUN versus‘Normal’Sumerian:Two Literatures or One?”in P.Fronzaroli,Literature and Literary Language at Ebla,Florence:Dipartimentodi Linguistica Universita di Firenze,1992,pp.285-303;Krebernik,“Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabikh”;J.C.Johnson and A.Johnson,“Contingency and Innovation in Native Transcriptions of Encrypted Cuneiform(UD.GAL.NUN),”in J.Englehardt,Agency in Ancient Writing,Boulder:University Press of Colorado,2012,pp.165-182.
4 关于阿拉塔,中文研究文献可见拱玉书:《升起来吧!像太阳一样——解析苏美尔史诗〈恩美卡与阿拉塔之王〉》,北京:昆仑出版社,2006年。西文可见H.Vanstiphout,Epics of Sumerian Kings:The Matter of Aratta,Atlanta:Society of Biblical Literature,2003;C.Mittermayer,Enmerkara und der Herr von Arata:Ein ungleicher Wettstreit,Fribourg:Academic Press,2009.
5 Krebernik,“Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabikh,”p.242,n.60.
6 Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch,”p.292.
7 P.Steinkeller,“Marhai and Beyond:The Jiroft Civilization in a Historical Perspective,”in C.C.LambergKarlovsky,B.Genito and B.Cerasetti,“My Life is Like the Summer Rose”:Maurizio Tosi e lArcheologia come modo di vivere,Oxford:Archaeopress,2014,p.704.
8 P.Steinkeller,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia and the Origins of the Sargonic Empire,”in M.Liverani,Akkad:The First World Empire,Padova:Sargon,1993,p.112,n.8;P.Steinkeller,“The Historical Background of Urkeand the Hurrian Background in Northern Mesopotamia,”in G.Buccellati and M.Kelly-Buccellati,Urkesh and the Hurrians:Studies in Honour of L.Cotsen,Malibu:Undena Publications,1998,p.76,n.3;M.Krebernik,“Mesopotamian Myths at Ebla:ARET5 ,6 and ARET 5,7,”in Franzaroli,Literature and Literary Language at Ebla,pp.63-149.
1 H.Steible and F.Yildiz,“(TS)302,eine Importtafel aus Uruk inuruppak?”in L.Sassmannshausen,He Has Opened Nisabas House of Learning:Studies in Honor ofke Waldemar Sjberg on the Occasion of His 89th Birthday on August 1st2013,Leiden:Brill,2014,pp.217-228.
2 见前引Oraibi,“Gia(Umm al-Aqarib),Umma(Jokha),and Lagain the Early Dynatic III Period”中关于乌玛首都基沙的讨论。
3 A(YBC 02124)iii 16=B(NBC 11202)iv 18,见M.E.Cohen,“Two Versions of the a Fara-Period Name-List,”in M.E.Cohen,D.C.Snell and D.B.Weisberg,The Tablet and the Scroll:Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W.Hallo,Bethesda:CDL Press,1993,pp.79-86.讨论见P.Steinkeller,“The Priestességi-zi and Related Matters,”in Y.Sefati,P.Artzi,C.Cohen,B.L.Eichler and V.A.Hurowitz,“An Experienced Scribe Who Neglects Nothing”:Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Jacob Klein,Bethesda:CDL Press,2005,pp.308-310.
4 Cohen,“Two Versions of the a Fara-Period Name-List,”p.82.
5 参见M.Yoshikawa,“Lagaand ki-laga,Unug and ki-Unug,”Acta Sumerologica,Vol.7,1985,pp.157-164.
6 Carroué,“Etudes de Géographie et de Topographie Sumériennes III.LIturungal et de Sud Sumérien,”pp.35-39;Sallaberger,“Nippur als religises Zentrum Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel,”pp.151-152.
7 Frayne,Presargonic Period,p.10.
8 关于Emesal,见M.K.Schretter,Emesal-Studien:Sprach-und literaturgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur sogenannten Frauensprache des Sumerischen,Innsbruck:Verlag des Instituts für Sprachwissenschaft der Universitt Innsbruck,1990.注意类似的论证逻辑颇类T.Jacobsen,“The Assumed Conflict between Sumerians and Semites in Early Mesopotamian History,”Journal of the American Oriental Society,Vol.59,No.4,1939,pp.485-495.只是将恩尼基替换了尼普尔。
1 Frayne,Presargonic Period,pp.10-11.注意R.M.Adams and H.J.Nissen,The Uruk Countryside:The Natural Setting of Urban Societies,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1972,第51、54页曾根据文字资料判定其在幼发拉底河的两条支流河路交叉之处,并将恩尼基的位置判定在今瓦维亚(Umm al-Wawīya);Carroué,“Etudes de Géographie et de Topographie Sumériennes III.LIturungal et de Sud Sumérien”第51页地图标出的位置比瓦维亚离乌尔要近得多,比弗雷因给出的位置则要偏西南方向。
2 Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch,”p.295.关于乌尔王陵的祭祀及其重要意义,参见A.C.Cohen,Death Rituals,Ideology,and the Development of Early Mesopotamian Kingship:Toward a New Understanding of Iraqs Royal Cemetery of Ur,Leiden:Brill Academic Publishers,2005.最近有学者用法医分析的方法基本确认,乌尔王陵所见人殉属死后入殓,参见A.Baadsgaard,J.Monge,S.Cox and R.L.Zettler,“Human Sacrifice and Intentional Corpse Preservation in the Royal Cemetery of Ur,”Antiquity,Vol.85,No.327,2011,pp.27-42.
3 关于宁阿祖的重要性,可参见Kobayashi,“On Ninazu,as Seen in the Economic Texts of the Early Dynastic Laga(1),”以及Wiggermann,“Nin-azu,”的讨论。
4 P.Steinkeller,“Archaic City Seals and the Question of Early Babylonian Unity,”in I.T.Abusch,Riches Hidden in Secret Places:Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Memory of Thorkild Jacobsen,Winona Lake:Eisenbrauns,2002,pp.247-257;Y.Wu,“Two Sumerian Names in the Mouths of the Akkadians:The Etymology of Nanna and Inanna,the‘Lord of Heaven’and the‘Queen of Heaven’,”in W.H.van Soldt,R.Kalvelagen and D.Katz,Ethnicity in Ancient Mesopotamia,Leiden:Nederlands Instituut Voor Het Nabije Oosten,2005,pp.446-451.
5 R.D.Biggs,“The AbūSalābīkh Tablets:A Preliminary Survey,”Journal of Cuneiform Studies,Vol.20,1966,pp.75-76.最近J·约翰森(J.Cale Johnson)和A·约翰森(Adam Johnson)对同批文献,特别是其中的UD.GAL.NUN文献的字符次序有不同认识,认为有规律可循。见Johnson and Johnson,“Contingency and Innovation in Native Transcriptions of Encrypted Cuneiform(UD.GAL.NUN)”,p.169.此问题仍需研究,此处难做定论。
6 C.Wilcke,“Zum Knigtum in der Ur III-Zeit,”in P.Garelli,Le palais et la royauté:Archéologie et Civilisation,Paris:Paul Geuthner,1974,pp.229-230;Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch,”p.294.
7 Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch”,p.295.
1 参见Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch,”pp.293-294.注意目前所知eme-gi7作为名词或者形容词指“苏美尔语”的文献最早不早于萨尔贡王朝时期,见I.J.Gelb,Sargonic Texts in the Louvre Museum,Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1970,Tablet 161;Wilcke,“Zum Knigtum in der Ur III-Zeit,”p.227.
2 Postgate,“In Search of the First Empires,”p.4;Postgate,Early Mesopotamia:Society and Economy at the Dawn of History,p.38.
3 Steinkeller,“The Priestességi-zi and Related Matters,”pp.308-310.同一思路已见Steinkeller,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia and the Origins of the Sargonic Empire,”pp.112-113,n.9.
4 注意Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch”第294页从正字法(orthography)角度提出的保留意见,认为GI字的使用依苏美尔语正字法,无法支持将读音拟作/ngi(dr)/,进而将KI.EN.GI中的EN作音读而非意读。
5 中译据D.R.Frayne,Sargonic and Gutian Periods(2334-2113 BC),Toronto:University of Toronto Press,1993,pp.47-48.
6 CAD,The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago,Chicago:The Oriental Institute,1956-2011,vol.-III,pp.272-273.
7 关于Uri,见Steinkeller,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia and the Origins of the Sargonic Empire,”pp.115-116,n.18.
1 关于umar(um)和圣经中的inar,见R.Zadok,“The Origin of the Name Shinar,”Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archologie,Vol.74,1984,pp.240-244;Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch,”pp.292-293.
2 YBC 02124在年代上可能比NBC 11202略早,两件泥柱的抄写年代大约在萨尔贡时期到乌尔第三王朝之间。介绍见Cohen,“Two Versions of the a Fara-Period Name-List,”p.79.这里名字中暂时译作“母亲”的ama未必真的是指女性的母亲,可能有不同的意思。类似的苏美尔人名及讨论见J.Andersson,Kingship in the Early Mesopotamian Onomasticon 2800-2200 BCE,Uppsala:Uppsala Universitet,2012,p.65.
3 Frayne,Ur III Period,pp.144-145.注意沙卡利沙(arkaliarrī)年名(OSP 2 100)mu s'ar-kà-lí-LUGAL-ríkien:gi.KI-è┌im┐-ta-e11-da[men?]sag-gá[m]u-us'-bi中的写法ki-en:gi.KI是完整的形式。参见Frayne,Sargonic and Gutian Periods,pp.182-184.
4 MSVO 1 007见P005074 at R.K.Englund and P.Damerov,Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative,http:∥cdli.ucla.edu/.其印章见R.J.Matthews,Cities,Seals and Writing:Archaic Seal Impressions from Jemdet Nasr and Ur,Berlin:G.Mann,1993,p.60.
5 参见Matthews,Cities,Seals and Writing;Steinkeller,“Archaic City Seals and the Question of Early Babylonian Unity”.
6 目前对乌鲁克时期泛巴比伦尼亚体制的讨论见Steinkeller,“Archaic City Seals and the Question of Early Babylonian Unity”以及王献华:《乌鲁克末期巴比伦尼亚分裂的新证据》,《北大史学》2011年第16期;对相关资料和问题的进一步阐发见笔者待刊稿《乌鲁克时期的泛巴比伦尼亚体制》。不过,尽管可以综合不同类型的证据对乌鲁克时期的泛巴比伦尼亚体制进行探讨,对乌鲁克文字资料的语法和语义分析仍缺乏共识。如Englund,“Texts from the Late Uruk Period”认为乌鲁克文献很可能并非苏美尔语,这意味着不能根据一般苏美尔语语法对早期文献进行细节层面上的解析。库伯对相关问题的扼要评述见Cooper,“Sumer,Sumerisch,”p.26;恩格伦的进一步讨论见R.K.Englund,“Smell of the Cage,”Cuneiform Digital Library Journal,No.4,2009,pp.1-27.注意J.Hyrup,“Sumerian,the Descendant of a Proto-Historical Creole?An Alternative Approach to the‘Sumerian Problem’,”AION:Annali del Dipartimento di Studi del Mondo Classico e del Mediterraneo Antico,Sezione linguistica,Istituto Universitario Orientale,Napoli,Vol.14,1992,pp.21-72.该文提出苏美尔语原本便是一种混合语(creole),是值得关注的一种思路。
7 Pomponio,Visicato and Alberti,Early Dynastic Administrative Tablets ofuruppak,pp.19-20.
1 参见Steible and Yildiz,“(TS)302,eine Importtafel aus Uruk inuruppak?”
2 见即刊Steinkeller,“A Military Campaign of Southern City-States against Kish as Documented in ED IIIa Sources from Shuruppag(Fara)”.
3 所谓的“基什文明”(Kish Civilization),可参见I.J.Gelb,“Ebla and the Kish Civilization,”in L.Cagni,La lingua di Ebla:Atti del convegno internazionale(Napoli,21-23 aprile 1980),Napoli:Istituto universitario orientale di Napoli,1981,pp.9-73;I.J.Gelb,“Mari and the Kish Civilization,”in G.D.Young,Mari in Retrospect,Winona Lake:Eisenbrauns,1992,pp.121-202;Steinkeller,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia and the Origins of the Sargonic Empire”.
4 Steinkeller,“Early Political Development in Mesopotamia and the Origins of the Sargonic Empire,”pp.117-118.关于美沙林仲裁事,见J.S.Cooper,Reconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions:The Lagash-Umma Border Conflict,Malibu:Undena Publications,1983,p.22.
5 参见N.C.Veldhuis,“The Early Dynastic KiTradition,”in Sassmannshausen,He Has Opened Nisabas House of Learning,pp.241-242.
6 J.N.Postgate,“Excavations at Abu Salabikh,1975,”Iraq,Vol.38,1976,pp.160-161.
7 具体统计见Krebernik,“Die Texte aus Fara und Tell Abu Salabikh,”pp.264-265.
8 Veldhuis,“The Early Dynastic KiTradition,”p.253.
9 Delnero,“Variation in Sumerian Literary Compositions:A Case Study Based on the Decad,”p.2193.
1 关于两地文献间的相对年代学,参见Johnson and Johnson,“Contingency and Innovation in Native Transcriptions of Encrypted Cuneiform(UD.GAL.NUN),”p.166.另外,K.V.Zand,“Die UD.GAL.NUN-Texte:Ein allographisches Korpus sumerischer Mythen aus dem Frühdynastikum,”PhD disser
